Monday, August 22, 2011


We'll start with a $100 dollar bill.

A packet of one hundred $100 bills is less than 1/2" thick and contains $10,000.

1 million dollars (100 packets of $10,000).

100 million fits neatly on a standard pallet...

$1 BILLION dollars

ONE TRILLION dollars. What is a trillion dollars? Well, it's a million million. It's a thousand billion. It's a one followed by 12 zeros.

Sunday, August 21, 2011

The downside of diversity- A Harvard professors Findings

The downside of diversity

A Harvard political scientist finds that diversity hurts civic life. What happens when a liberal scholar unearths an inconvenient truth?

(Illustration/ Keith Negley)

IT HAS BECOME increasingly popular to speak of racial and ethnic diversity as a civic strength. From multicultural festivals to pronouncements from political leaders, the message is the same: our differences make us stronger.

But a massive new study, based on detailed interviews of nearly 30,000 people across America, has concluded just the opposite. Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam -- famous for "Bowling Alone," his 2000 book on declining civic engagement -- has found that the greater the diversity in a community, the fewer people vote and the less they volunteer, the less they give to charity and work on community projects. In the most diverse communities, neighbors trust one another about half as much as they do in the most homogenous settings. The study, the largest ever on civic engagement in America, found that virtually all measures of civic health are lower in more diverse settings.
"The extent of the effect is shocking," says Scott Page, a University of Michigan political scientist.

The study comes at a time when the future of the American melting pot is the focus of intense political debate, from immigration to race-based admissions to schools, and it poses challenges to advocates on all sides of the issues. The study is already being cited by some conservatives as proof of the harm large-scale immigration causes to the nation's social fabric. But with demographic trends already pushing the nation inexorably toward greater diversity, the real question may yet lie ahead: how to handle the unsettling social changes that Putnam's research predicts.
"We can't ignore the findings," says Ali Noorani, executive director of the Massachusetts Immigrant and Refugee Advocacy Coalition. "The big question we have to ask ourselves is, what do we do about it; what are the next steps?"
The study is part of a fascinating new portrait of diversity emerging from recent scholarship. Diversity, it shows, makes us uncomfortable -- but discomfort, it turns out, isn't always a bad thing. Unease with differences helps explain why teams of engineers from different cultures may be ideally suited to solve a vexing problem. Culture clashes can produce a dynamic give-and-take, generating a solution that may have eluded a group of people with more similar backgrounds and approaches. At the same time, though, Putnam's work adds to a growing body of research indicating that more diverse populations seem to extend themselves less on behalf of collective needs and goals.
His findings on the downsides of diversity have also posed a challenge for Putnam, a liberal academic whose own values put him squarely in the pro-diversity camp. Suddenly finding himself the bearer of bad news, Putnam has struggled with how to present his work. He gathered the initial raw data in 2000 and issued a press release the following year outlining the results. He then spent several years testing other possible explanations.
When he finally published a detailed scholarly analysis in June in the journal Scandinavian Political Studies, he faced criticism for straying from data into advocacy. His paper argues strongly that the negative effects of diversity can be remedied, and says history suggests that ethnic diversity may eventually fade as a sharp line of social demarcation.
"Having aligned himself with the central planners intent on sustaining such social engineering, Putnam concludes the facts with a stern pep talk," wrote conservative commentator Ilana Mercer, in a recent Orange County Register op-ed titled
 "Greater diversity equals more misery."
Putnam has long staked out ground as both a researcher and a civic player, someone willing to describe social problems and then have a hand in addressing them. He says social science should be "simultaneously rigorous and relevant," meeting high research standards while also "speaking to concerns of our fellow citizens." But on a topic as charged as ethnicity and race, Putnam worries that many people hear only what they want to.
"It would be unfortunate if a politically correct progressivism were to deny the reality of the challenge to social solidarity posed by diversity," he writes in the new report. "It would be equally unfortunate if an ahistorical and ethnocentric conservatism were to deny that addressing that challenge is both feasible and desirable."
. . .
Putnam is the nation's premier guru of civic engagement. After studying civic life in Italy in the 1970s and 1980s, Putnam turned his attention to the US, publishing an influential journal article on civic engagement in 1995 that he expanded five years later into the best-selling "Bowling Alone." The book sounded a national wake-up call on what Putnam called a sharp drop in civic connections among Americans. It won him audiences with presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, and made him one of the country's best known social scientists.
Putnam claims the US has experienced a pronounced decline in "social capital," a term he helped popularize. Social capital refers to the social networks -- whether friendships or religious congregations or neighborhood associations -- that he says are key indicators of civic well-being. When social capital is high, says Putnam, communities are better places to live. Neighborhoods are safer; people are healthier; and more citizens vote.
The results of his new study come from a survey Putnam directed among residents in 41 US communities, including Boston. Residents were sorted into the four principal categories used by the US Census: black, white, Hispanic, and Asian. They were asked how much they trusted their neighbors and those of each racial category, and questioned about a long list of civic attitudes and practices, including their views on local government, their involvement in community projects, and their friendships. What emerged in more diverse communities was a bleak picture of civic desolation, affecting everything from political engagement to the state of social ties.
Putnam knew he had provocative findings on his hands. He worried about coming under some of the same liberal attacks that greeted Daniel Patrick Moynihan's landmark 1965 report on the social costs associated with the breakdown of the black family. There is always the risk of being pilloried as the bearer of "an inconvenient truth," says Putnam.
After releasing the initial results in 2001, Putnam says he spent time "kicking the tires really hard" to be sure the study had it right. Putnam realized, for instance, that more diverse communities tended to be larger, have greater income ranges, higher crime rates, and more mobility among their residents -- all factors that could depress social capital independent of any impact ethnic diversity might have.
"People would say, 'I bet you forgot about X,'" Putnam says of the string of suggestions from colleagues. "There were 20 or 30 X's."
But even after statistically taking them all into account, the connection remained strong: Higher diversity meant lower social capital.

 In his findings, Putnam writes that those in more diverse communities tend to "distrust their neighbors, regardless of the color of their skin, to withdraw even from close friends, to expect the worst from their community and its leaders, to volunteer less, give less to charity and work on community projects less often, to register to vote less, to agitate for social reform more but have less faith that they can actually make a difference, and to huddle unhappily in front of the television."

"People living in ethnically diverse settings appear to 'hunker down' -- that is, to pull in like a turtle," Putnam writes.

In documenting that hunkering down, Putnam challenged the two dominant schools of thought on ethnic and racial diversity, the "contact" theory and the "conflict" theory. Under the contact theory, more time spent with those of other backgrounds leads to greater understanding and harmony between groups. Under the conflict theory, that proximity produces tension and discord.
Putnam's findings reject both theories. In more diverse communities, he says, there were neither great bonds formed across group lines nor heightened ethnic tensions, but a general civic malaise. And in perhaps the most surprising result of all, levels of trust were not only lower between groups in more diverse settings, but even among members of the same group.
"Diversity, at least in the short run," he writes, "seems to bring out the turtle in all of us."
The overall findings may be jarring during a time when it's become commonplace to sing the praises of diverse communities, but researchers in the field say they shouldn't be.
"It's an important addition to a growing body of evidence on the challenges created by diversity," says Harvard economist Edward Glaeser.
In a recent study, Glaeser and colleague Alberto Alesina demonstrated that roughly half the difference in social welfare spending between the US and Europe -- Europe spends far more -- can be attributed to the greater ethnic diversity of the US population. Glaeser says lower national social welfare spending in the US is a "macro" version of the decreased civic engagement Putnam found in more diverse communities within the country.
Economists Matthew Kahn of UCLA and Dora Costa of MIT reviewed 15 recent studies in a 2003 paper, all of which linked diversity with lower levels of social capital. Greater ethnic diversity was linked, for example, to lower school funding, census response rates, and trust in others. Kahn and Costa's own research documented higher desertion rates in the Civil War among Union Army soldiers serving in companies whose soldiers varied more by age, occupation, and birthplace.
Birds of different feathers may sometimes flock together, but they are also less likely to look out for one another. "Everyone is a little self-conscious that this is not politically correct stuff," says Kahn.
. . .
So how to explain New York, London, Rio de Janiero, Los Angeles -- the great melting-pot cities that drive the world's creative and financial economies?
The image of civic lassitude dragging down more diverse communities is at odds with the vigor often associated with urban centers, where ethnic diversity is greatest. It turns out there is a flip side to the discomfort diversity can cause. If ethnic diversity, at least in the short run, is a liability for social connectedness, a parallel line of emerging research suggests it can be a big asset when it comes to driving productivity and innovation. In high-skill workplace settings, says Scott Page, the University of Michigan political scientist, the different ways of thinking among people from different cultures can be a boon.
"Because they see the world and think about the world differently than you, that's challenging," says Page, author of "The Difference: How the Power of Diversity Creates Better Groups, Firms, Schools, and Societies." "But by hanging out with people different than you, you're likely to get more insights. Diverse teams tend to be more productive."
In other words, those in more diverse communities may do more bowling alone, but the creative tensions unleashed by those differences in the workplace may vault those same places to the cutting edge of the economy and of creative culture.
Page calls it the "diversity paradox." He thinks the contrasting positive and negative effects of diversity can coexist in communities, but "there's got to be a limit." If civic engagement falls off too far, he says, it's easy to imagine the positive effects of diversity beginning to wane as well. "That's what's unsettling about his findings," Page says of Putnam's new work.
Meanwhile, by drawing a portrait of civic engagement in which more homogeneous communities seem much healthier, some of Putnam's worst fears about how his results could be used have been realized. A stream of conservative commentary has begun -- from places like the Manhattan Institute and "The American Conservative" -- highlighting the harm the study suggests will come from large-scale immigration. But Putnam says he's also received hundreds of complimentary emails laced with bigoted language. "It certainly is not pleasant when David Duke's website hails me as the guy who found out racism is good," he says.
In the final quarter of his paper, Putnam puts the diversity challenge in a broader context by describing how social identity can change over time. Experience shows that social divisions can eventually give way to "more encompassing identities" that create a "new, more capacious sense of 'we,'" he writes.
Growing up in the 1950s in a small Midwestern town, Putnam knew the religion of virtually every member of his high school graduating class because, he says, such information was crucial to the question of "who was a possible mate or date." The importance of marrying within one's faith, he says, has largely faded since then, at least among many mainline Protestants, Catholics, and Jews.
While acknowledging that racial and ethnic divisions may prove more stubborn, Putnam argues that such examples bode well for the long-term prospects for social capital in a multiethnic America.
In his paper, Putnam cites the work done by Page and others, and uses it to help frame his conclusion that increasing diversity in America is not only inevitable, but ultimately valuable and enriching. As for smoothing over the divisions that hinder civic engagement, Putnam argues that Americans can help that process along through targeted efforts. He suggests expanding support for English-language instruction and investing in community centers and other places that allow for "meaningful interaction across ethnic lines."
Some critics have found his prescriptions underwhelming. And in offering ideas for mitigating his findings, Putnam has drawn scorn for stepping out of the role of dispassionate researcher. "You're just supposed to tell your peers what you found," says John Leo, senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a conservative think tank. "I don't expect academics to fret about these matters."
But fretting about the state of American civic health is exactly what Putnam has spent more than a decade doing. While continuing to research questions involving social capital, he has directed the Saguaro Seminar, a project he started at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government that promotes efforts throughout the country to increase civic connections in communities.
"Social scientists are both scientists and citizens," says Alan Wolfe, director of the Boisi Center for Religion and American Public Life at Boston College, who sees nothing wrong in Putnam's efforts to affect some of the phenomena he studies.
Wolfe says what is unusual is that Putnam has published findings as a social scientist that are not the ones he would have wished for as a civic leader. There are plenty of social scientists, says Wolfe, who never produce research results at odds with their own worldview.
"The problem too often," says Wolfe, "is people are never uncomfortable about their findings."
Michael Jonas is acting editor of CommonWealth magazine, published by MassINC, a nonpartisan public-policy think tank in Boston.

Friday, August 19, 2011


Ottawa businesses are now being threatened by a new trend in crime that has moved up from the United States.

So-called "flash robs" involve crowds of young people rushing into a store and grabbing goods with no attention paid to cameras or cashiers.

Two such incidents have happened in Ottawa in past weeks, including a mob of more than 40 who trashed and grabbed their way through a west Ottawa convenience store in July.

"What can we do?" asked cashier Elias Dxafaii. "We can't tell them everything; we can tell them that it's not good to steal, that there's cameras."

That spree cost the store $800 in food and damages, with another, earlier case at a grocery store also proving destructive and costly.

"Some started to knock products off the shelf and breaking stuff, once a lot of them heard the breaking sound a lot of them started to panic," said Tom Wilson, the owner of Wilson's Grocer in south Ottawa. "Anyone in the store could have been hurt."

These "flash robs" are linked to crimes that spread over social media in the United States.

In some instances, mobs ran into high-end clothing stores and grabbed jeans off the racks, completely ignoring the store's security methods.

Police said they're trying to stop the youth before they can plan.

"(We're going) to social media, the ability to use technology to organize and gather," said Murray Knowles with the Ottawa police, who are creating Facebook profiles to look for leads.

With a report from CTV Ottawa's Stefanie Masotti

Tuesday, August 16, 2011

Concealing Black Hate Crimes

Concealing Black Hate Crimes

Racism: Across the U.S., mobs of black youths are organizing on Facebook to loot stores and beat whites. Yet none dare call the "flash mob" attacks hate crime, least of all the attorney general.


The Associated Press is reporting that at least one of those arrested in the Wisconsin State Fair beatings said the mob was targeting whites, making it a hate crime. Where is Eric Holder's civil rights division? About this epidemic of black-on-white assaults, we hear nothing.

At the Milwaukee fairgrounds, dozens of black teens suddenly appeared, knocking over children, looting the Midway games and stealing prizes. They pulled whites from cars, flung them to the ground and punched and kicked them in the face. At least 18 people were injured, including some cops.
A similar beat-down took place August 2010 at the Iowa State Fair. Organized as "beat whitey night," bands of black teens targeted white kids, fracturing one of their skulls. Then the thugs swarmed police, hitting one cop from behind and busting both his eye sockets.
Earlier this month in Philadelphia, marauding black flash mobs beat and robbed tourists and other innocent bystanders. Several people were hospitalized, including one man with a fractured skull.
Mayor Michael Nutter, Philly's second black mayor, said enough is enough. In an angry lecture from the pulpit of Mount Carmel Baptist Church, he blasted the punks, saying "you have damaged your own race."

Similar attacks are under investigation in Los Angeles, Chicago, Cleveland and Washington, D.C., where our first black president remains mum.
Why isn't Obama equally disgusted by the black pack attacks? Perhaps because his own church glamorized the thug culture. His mentor, Rev. Jeremiah Wright, told his South Side Chicago flock that those committing black-on-black crime are "fighting the wrong enemy."

During the 2008 presidential campaign, Geraldine Ferraro condemned Wright for preaching to young blacks that "it's OK to beat up on white people."
Imagine if the flash-mob victims were black instead of white. Holder would have launched a special investigation.

With the races reversed, he just shrugs. In so many words he has said blacks are incapable of hate crimes because of their "victimhood".

There is a pervasive hostility toward (prosecuting) these types of cases," said Christian Adams, a civil rights attorney who quit after Holder refused to prosecute the New Black Panther Party for intimidating white Philly voters in 2008.
To Holder, blacks are the permanent victims. But his department's own data say otherwise. In most cases of interracial crimes, the victim is white and the perp is black. Black criminals choose white victims 45% of the time, while whites victimize blacks 3% of the time. More than twice as many whites are murdered by a black than cases of a white murdering blacks.

And despite underreporting, blacks commit a disproportionate share of hate crimes. In 2009, almost 20% of known offenders of hate crimes were black, even though blacks make up just 13% of the population.

Holder presupposes all problems afflicting the black community come from the outside — racism, poverty, etc. Nutter make no excuses for bad behavior.
"Take those God-darn hoodies down, especially in the summer," the Philly mayor scolded black youths. "Pull your pants up and buy a belt 'cause no one wants to see your underwear or the crack of your butt."
He added: "If you walk into somebody's office with your hair uncombed and a pick in the back, and your shoes untied, and your pants half-down, tattoos up and down your arms and on your neck, and you wonder why somebody won't hire you? They don't hire you 'cause you look like you're crazy."

Candidate Obama vowed to stand up for a civil rights unit that enforces laws "fairly and justly.

" If his attorney general doesn't pursue these black mob cases as hate crimes, punishing the offenders, he risks giving white racists an excuse to respond in kind.

The time has come when Whites must protect Ourselves and Our children at all costs. To do any thing other is against the laws of nature and Our own survival.





Affirmative action generally means giving preferential treatment to minorities in admission to universities or employment in government & businesses. The policies were originally developed to correct decades of discrimination and to give disadvantaged minorities a boost. The diversity of our current society as opposed to that of 50 years ago seem to indicate the programs have been a success. But now, many think the policies are no longer needed and that they lead to more problems than they solve.

One notable example is a case argued a few years back in the Supreme Court concerning admissions to the University of Michigan. The school had a policy of rating potential applicants on a point system. Being a minority student earned you more than twice as many points as achieving a perfect SAT score. Three white students sued citing this as raced-based discrimination. School officials said that diversity is desirable and affirmative action is the only way to achieve true diversity. Another notable case in 2009 involved firefighters whose captain's exams were thrown out after it was determined not enough minorities passed. Several other cases involving affirmative action have followed similar arguments.

Affirmative action, the set of public policies and initiatives designed to help eliminate past and present discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED.


It is now time that we re evaluate

call your elected officials,... really.
  • Originally, civil rights programs were enacted to help African Americans become full citizens of the United States. The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution made slavery illegal; the Fourteenth Amendment guarantees equal protection under the law; the Fifteenth Amendment forbids racial discrimination in access to voting. The 1866 Civil Rights Act guarantees every citizen "the same right to make and enforce contracts ... as is enjoyed by white citizens ... "
  • In 1896, the Supreme Court's decision in Plessy v. Ferguson upheld a "separate, but equal" doctrine . The decision marked the end of the post-Civil War "reconstruction" (The South is SILL UN reconstructed) era as Jim Crow laws spread across the South.
  • In 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 8802 which outlawed segregationist hiring policies by defense-related industries which held federal contracts. Roosevelt's signing of this order was a direct result of efforts by Black trade union leader, A. Philip Randolph.
  • During 1953 President Harry S. Truman's Committee on Government Contract Compliance urged the Bureau of Employment Security "to act positively and affirmatively to implement the policy of nondiscrimination . . . ."
  • The 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education overturned Plessy v. Ferguson.
  • The actual phrase "affirmative action" was first used in President John F. Kennedy's 1961 Executive Order 10925 which requires federal contractors to "take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin." The same language was later used in Lyndon Johnson's 1965 Executive Order 11246.
  • In 1967, Johnson expanded the Executive Order to include affirmative action requirements to benefit women. (HENCE IF YOU ARE  A MALE OF EUROPEAN DECENT, YOU ARE STUCK LIKE CHUCK)
  • Other equal protection laws passed to make discrimination illegal were the 1964 Civil Rights Act, Title II and VII of which forbid racial discrimination in "public accommodations" and race and sex discrimination in employment, respectively; and the 1965 Voting Rights Act adopted after Congress found "that racial discrimination in voting was an insidious and pervasive evil which had been perpetuated in certain parts of the country through unremitting and ingenious defiance of the Constitution." 50 years later we have an elected Black PresidentObama, who was supported by Blacks 24 to 1. 

Monday, August 15, 2011

Nigger Jim - Rest In Peace

N I G G E R   J I M

Mark Twain's American classic
The adventures of Huck Finn, is undergoing a PC facelift. It seems Twain's black hero "Nigger Jim" has to be renamed. Despite the novel's historical accuracies and depiction  of  a Pre Civil War / War of northern Aggression (1835 - 1845) race relations , it has now been deemed too offensive. ....

Thats right, the book you were assigned  to read as home work, back before the Marxist fixed our schools, is now un acceptable.
Is it the altering of American Classic literature by the
PC Leftist okay ?

Have we become a Nation of hyper sensitive sissies? 
( I didnt want to risk using  the "P" word)
Although the most publicized American and British censorship of literature in the twentieth century has involved debates over obscenity and pornography, the United States government also has censored literature for political reasons. The 1917 Espionage Act and 1918 Sedition Amendment suppressed antiwar periodicals and deported communists, labor activists and other radicals. During the Cold War, in addition to censoring films and “blacklisting” (can we still say "blacklisting") writers who were deemed “Communist sympathizers,” Sen. Joseph McCarthy had books by writers deemed politically suspect removed from U.S. Information Agency libraries abroad.
Literary censorship has been particularly and thoroughly practiced by authoritarian and totalitarian states in the twentieth century. Strict censorship of all forms of public expression characterized the Soviet Union, the Communist satellite states of Eastern Europe and the apartheid regime of South Africa. Many writers in the Communist block were sentenced to hard labor or sent into exile. The writing of Nobel Prize winners such as Boris Pasternak, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, and Joseph Brodsky was banned in the Soviet Union and Poland. Prevented from publishing their work in the Soviet Union, Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, and other Communist countries, Eastern European and Soviet writers relied on samizdat—surreptitious self-publishing and dissemination of literary works—and tamizdat—émigré publishing houses in Western Europe—to evade censors. Many writers from authoritarian regimes went into exile in order to be able to write and publish freely, or have assumed pen named such as Fjordman.


"Unfortunately for all those involved, the question posed in the title of the documentary Kosovo: Can You Imagine? is a resounding YES. Having covered much of the same ground and witnessed the same events myself over the past decade, I can attest to the accuracy of the film. As a young filmaker of Serbian origin, Boris Malagurski took considerable personal risk, and displayed exemplary courage to produce this work.
He is to be commended for his efforts.
Canadian publisher, journalist

about the film

Kosovo: Can You Imagine? is a documentary film by Canadian filmmaker Boris Malagurski, about the Serbs that live in Kosovo and the lack of human rights that they have today, in the 21st century.

Most of the Kosovo Serbs have been ethnically cleansed by the Albanians who make up the majority of Kosovo.

Kosovo has been under UN administration since 1999 when NATO bombed Serbia for 78 days to halt a crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatism in its province of Kosovo.

In the years following the war, thousands of Serbs were expelled from their homes, kidnapped and killed. Their houses, cultural and religious sites were burned and destroyed.

"Kosovo: Can You Imagine? demonstrates, in graphic fashion, the results of the "humanitarian"   intervention by NATO in Kosovo. Ghettos in the middle of Europe in the 21st century! The film shows why we must be so careful about exercising the "right to protect" and other catch phrases that mean well but do more harm than good."
Former Canadian Ambassador
to Yugoslavia

about the director
Boris Malagurski, director of  "Kosovo: Can You Imagine?" was born in Yugoslavia in 1988. He has been a Canadian filmmaker since 2005 when he won the Best Student Film award at the International Student Film Festival in Toronto. His movie “The Canada Project” was shown on Belgrade Television, and many international film festivals around the world.

Mr. Malagurski’s visit to Kosovo has shocked him and his colleagues. In an interview, he said that he “can’t believe that this is happening in the heart of Europe in the 21st century. In an age where human rights are taken for granted in the Western world, Kosovo Serbs are battling for the most basic human rights. What makes it even worse is that Kosovo is administered by the international community and this is all happening under their nose. It’s horrible, I wonder if the politicians of the countries that have troops in Kosovo know how the international community is failing to secure a peaceful and honorable life for non-Albanian ethnic groups in the so called “multiethnic Kosovo”. I hope that his film will encourage people to ask questions and do independent research on what’s going on in Kosovo, as well as try to change things for the better and help those who are helpless.”
Boris Malagurski

White Christians ethnically cleansed by Muslim invaders.

On St. Vitus Day , June 1389, The Battle of Kosovo, on the “Field of Blackbirds” was the beginning  of a 500 year struggle for the Christians of Serbia against Muslim invaders.
It was not a mere military defeat, but the end of Serbian independence and the beginning of 500 years of Christian suffering under the Muslim yoke. But worse still, the Serbian heartland of Kosovo was lost. For the Serbian people, the blood shed at the Battle of Kosovo in the Field of Blackbirds marks Kosovo as eternally Serbian


In 1999, after the end of the Kosovo War, more than 250.000 Serbs and other minorities left Kosovo in less than a month

Kosovo Serbs (Serbian: Косовци,Kosovci, meaning "people of Kosovo", sing; m Kosovac, f Kosovka) are the second largest ethnic group in Kosovo[a]. By the 12th century, the cultural, diplomatic and religious core of the Serbian Kingdom was located in Kosovo. This became essential to the Serbian Empire of the 14th century.
During the 20th century Serbian population constantly decreased. Their share in the overall population of the region is currently estimated at 7% by the CIA.[3] Serbs today mostly populate the enclaves across Kosovo, North Kosovo being the largest one.
Large-scale emigration of ethnic Serbs, especially since 1999 onwards, makes them the only major ethnic group in Kosovo to have a negative natural growth rate with deaths exceeding births.
312 of 437 towns and villages in which Serbs lived were completely ethnically cleaned. In the ensuing violence, more than 1.000 Serbs were killed, while 841 were kidnapped and 960 wounded.[1]

[1] BBC reports that fewer than 100,000, 5% Serbs remained in Kosovo following a post-war exodus of non-Albanians.[4] The Serbian minority live in separate areas watched over by NATO peacekeepers. International diplomats have voiced concern over slow progress on their rights.[citation needed] Human Rights Watch pointed out discrimination against Serbs and Roma in Kosovo immediately after the War in Kosovo.[5]
The Battle of Kosovo, 1389, on the “Field of Blackbirds.”
In the 14th century, the Byzantine Empire began to crumble, finally falling to the Ottoman Turks in 1453. But in 1389, the Ottoman Turkish sultan, Murad 1, began to lead his forces against the armies of the Serbian prince Lazar.

The Serbian prince had already been active in resisting increasing Muslim raids against Christian lands in the Balkans and had called his barons, knights and warriors together to ask them if they should fight or become slaves, dhimmis, to the Muslims. The decision was made to fight although their forces would number some 35,000 against a Turkish Muslim host of 100,000. But better to fight than to be enslaved.

The place chosen to make a stand against the Muslim Turks was at Kosovo Polje (the Field of Blackbirds) in Kosovo — the heartland of the Serbian nation. It was in June, 1389, on St. Vitus Day (Vidovdan), that the rival forces met.
The battle began at first light with Serbian successes and the great Serbian hero, Milos Obilic, killed the Turkish Muslim sultan, Murad. For a while the Turks were in disarray but they managed to recover and by their sheer weight of numbers ground down and defeated the Serbian army.

With the help of Bill Clinton's savage bombing canpaign, Serbians were robbed again of their homeland, the well spring of their nation again. Today the few remaining ethnic Serb Christians are being systematically removed from land they have occupied for hundreds of years.

Tensions remain high and only the prescense of UNMIK forces keep wide scale conflict contained. Christian Serbs want their birth right back and the UN can't occupy Kosovo forever.

Sunday, August 14, 2011

"America is breaking into enclaves"-Pat Buchanan

“Is white the new black?”

- So asks Kelefa Sanneh in the subtitle of “Beyond the Pale,” his New Yorker review of several books on white America, wherein he concludes we may be witnessing “the slow birth of a people.”
By Patrick J. Buchanan

Sanneh is onto something. For after a year of battering as “un-American,” “evil-doers” and racists, and praise from talk-show hosts and as “the real Americans,” America seems to be taking on a new and separate identity.

Ethnonationalism — the recognition of an embryonic people that they are different from their neighbors, and the concomitant drive to live apart — is, as Arthur Schlesinger Jr. wrote 20 years ago, a more powerful force than any ideology, be it communism, fascism or democracy.

Ethnonationalism is the pre-eminent force of the age we have entered, the creator and destroyer of empires and nations. Even as Schlesinger was writing his “Disuniting of America,” Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union were disintegrating into 22 new nations, along the lines of ethnicity. In Dagestan, Ingushetia, Chechnya, Ossetia and Abkhazia, the process proceeds apace.

It has happened before — and here.
In the American colonies, the evil institution of slavery, followed by a century of segregation, created out of the children of captured Africans who had little in common other than color a new people, the African-Americans, who went out and voted 24-to-one for .

In 1754, the 13 colonies consisted of South Carolinians, New Yorkers, Pennsylvanians and Virginians, all loyal subjects of the king.
But after the contemptuous treatment of colonial soldiers in the French and Indian War, the Stamp Act, the Townshend duties, the Boston Massacre, the , the Quartering Act and the Quebec Act, by 1775 a new people had been born: the Americans.

In 1770, New York colonists had erected a statue of George III in Bowling Green in grateful tribute for his repeal of the Townshend taxes. In July 1776, they pulled it down and melted it for lead bullets after Washington read his soldiers the Declaration of Independence portraying George III as another Ivan the Terrible.

“There is no such thing as a Palestinian people,” said Golda Meir. When she said it, she may have been right. But as generations have grown up under the occupation and two intifadas and a Gaza War, the Palestinians are a people today.

Adversity and abuse increase the awareness of separate identity and accelerate the secession of peoples from each other.
Obama in the campaign of 2008 recognized that “out there” in Middle America existed another country, far from the one he grew up in, far from the privileged Ivy League community to which he belonged.
“You go into some of these small towns in Pennsylvania, and … the jobs have been gone now for 25 years. … So it’s not surprising then that they get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.”
Palin and Tea Partiers now repeat Obama’s disparaging line about their clinging to Bibles and guns — with defiant pride.
As others have done in our multicultural and multiethnic nation, this people is beginning to assert its identity, unapologetically.
Sioux gather at Little Bighorn to celebrate the massacre of Custer’s command. Hawaiian natives demand a new ethnically based government — and receive Obama’s blessing. Hispanics march under Mexican flags in Los Angeles to demand citizenship for illegal aliens.
Now Southerners are proudly commemorating ancestors who fought and fell in the Lost Cause and demanding recognition of Confederate History Month. And state governors are acceding.
In 2004, when Howard Dean reached out to “guys with Confederate flags in their pickup trucks,” Shelby Steele wrote that this was “absolutely verboten. Racial identity is simply forbidden to whites in America” because of their history and white guilt.
This, Sanneh suggests, is changing. The imputation of to Tea Partiers has not intimidated or cowed them.

When Obama named Sonia Sotomayor to the Supreme Court, there was no hesitation in blistering her for showing contempt for the rights of Frank Ricci and the white firefighters of New Haven, cheated of the promotions they had won in competitive exams.

When black Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates was arrested by Cambridge cop James Crowley, most Americans, despite Obama and media suggestions of racial profiling, sided with Crowley.
Why are the Tea Partiers not intimidated the way Republicans often are? Why is the charge of not working?
First, they do not feel the guilt of country-club Republicans.
Second, they know it to be untrue. While Tea Partiers are anti-Obama, they are also anti-Pelosi, anti-Martha Coakley and anti-Charlie Christ. The coming conflict is not so much racial as it is cultural, political and tribal.
Black America seems united. White America is the house divided, for it is in the womb of white America that this new people is gestating and fighting to be born.

Saturday, August 13, 2011

Patrick J. Buchanan

The Fire This Time

"You've damaged your own race," said Mayor Michael Nutter to the black youths of Philadelphia whose flash mobs have been beating and robbing shoppers in the fashionable district of downtown.
"Take those God-darn hoodies down," the mayor went on in his blistering lecture. "Pull your pants up and buy a belt, 'cause no one wants to see your underwear or the crack of your butt."   
And the mayor had some advice for teenagers looking for work.
"You walk into somebody's office with your hair uncombed and a pick in the back and your shoes untied and your pants half down, tattoos up and down your arms and on your neck, and you wonder why somebody won't hire you?"   
"They don't hire you 'cause you look like you're crazy."   
Nutter is African-American and the first leader to speak out about the racial character of the flash mobs attacking people in one American city after another. And where are our other leaders?
At the Iowa State Fair last August, black thugs beat a white man so savagely he was hospitalized. Police only began to look into the possibility of a racial attack and hate crime after fair-goers said the thugs were calling it "Beat Whitey Night."   
After Memorial Day, Chicago cops had to close a beach when a flash mob formed, attacked people and knocked cyclists off bikes.
In Miami Beach, there were beatings and shootings that same weekend. In D.C., flash mobs of black youths have turned up a half-dozen times in stores to loot clothes and merchandise and flee.  
The media almost never identify the race of the thugs. Their reticence would disappear were a white mob in some Southern city to be caught beating up on black shoppers at a mall.   
But the flash mob scourge hitting U.S. cities has been eclipsed by the pillaging and burning of London and other British cities in the worst violence visited on that nation and its capital since Goering's Luftwaffe executed the "Blitz."
Thousands of hoodlums, thugs and criminals have firebombed buildings, looted stores and stripped, beaten and robbed people for no reason other than that they were white.
Overwhelmed cops virtually surrendered the city for three days. By the fourth night, the rampage had taken on a multiethnic caste as Asians and white trash appeared to join in the festival of criminality.
Asian and black store owners, too, are victims. In Birmingham, three Pakistani men defending their neighborhood were run over and killed by a truck reportedly driven by a black rioter.
In a country-and-gospel tune recalled often in the '60s, the one that gave James Baldwin the title of his polemic, this couplet appears:
God gave Noah the rainbow sign,
No more water, the fire next time.
A half-century after the long hot summers of the 1960s and two decades after the worst riot in U.S. history since the New York draft riots of 1863 -- the Los Angeles riot of 1992, in which blacks and Hispanics attacked Koreans and whites -- the "next time" may have arrived.   
In Europe, the harbinger of the new century came a half-decade ago when North African youths in the Paris banlieues went on a days-long rampage of firebombing cars and attacking police and firemen, many of whom drove off and let the fires burn out.
This week, it was London's turn. And when the fires burn out, we shall hear anew the old liberal litany about poverty, despair, inequality and unemployment, the excuses that long ago ceased to persuade.   
For poverty existed in far greater measure in the Depression. Yet our parents and grandparents did not form mobs to burn, beat and loot.   
The West is in decline because the character of its people is in decline. In Europe, Christianity is dead. The moral code it gave men to live righteously is regarded with mockery. The London riots were the work of moral barbarians with no loyalty to the people in whose midst they live and no love for the society to which they give nothing, only take.
In America, millions of fatherless young seek out in gangs the familial ties they never knew. Those gangs are now almost always formed on the basis of ethnicity or race.   
What were the British thinking when they threw open their doors to mass immigration from the Third World?   
Over centuries, they had failed to assimilate a few million Irish, who were European Christians. So, having failed to assimilate the Irish, they decided to invite in millions of Hindus and Muslims from South Asia, Arabs from the Middle East, Africans from the sub-Sahara, black folks from the Caribbean.
But with no common faith or culture to hold the nation together, Britain is coming apart. Multiculturalism has "utterly failed," said Germany's Angela Merkel, only to be echoed by Nicolas Sarkozy and David Cameron.
Is multiculturalism a success here? Or does the sudden eruption of flash mobs suggest that the curtain has begun to be pulled back on diversity's dark side here in America?

Friday, August 12, 2011



France too? Paris may lose AAA credit rating

PARIS - President Nicolas Sarkozy cut short his vacation and pledged to slash France's huge debts, but rising concerns about a possible cut to the country's credit rating helped send bank shares plunging.

Worries that France would lose its triple A rating sparked Wednesday's selloff, which built momentum on rumors that the banks' financial health was in danger.

Credit Agricole ended 11.8 percent down. Societe Generale said it "categorically denies" all market rumors, but its shares closed 14.7 percent lower. Its market value has now fallen from over 40 billion euros at the beginning of July to 17 billion euros Wednesday afternoon.

In a statement, the bank said it has asked France's AMF stock market regulator to open an investigation into the origin of the rumors, "which have gravely hurt our shareholders."

The sell-off hit banking stocks across Europe, with leading banks in Britain, Italy and Germany also suffering large falls in their share prices.

After rushing back from the French Riviera, Sarkozy summoned key ministers for an emergency meeting after days of mounting warnings from analysts that the debt rating of the world's fifth-biggest economy is at risk.

France's growth prospects are considerably better than those of Italy and Spain's, but its economic expansion is slowing and it's failed for years to reduce a deficit that stood at 7.1 percent last year. No other eurozone economy with a triple-A rating has a higher debt than France's - around 85 percent of national income.

Although rating agencies reaffirmed France's AAA rating, the downgrade of U.S. debt by ratings agency Standard & Poor's last week fueled worries that France could be next to lose the coveted and rare rating if it contributes to further bailouts of eurozone countries.

French Finance Minister Francois Baroin suggested this week that Europe could boost the size of the eurozone bailout fund, the European Financial Stability Facility, although Germany has been reluctant to do so.

Adding to market worries, French presidential elections scheduled for the spring of 2012 also mean it is unlikely the government will implement further austerity measures at a time when the economy is slowing.

The government is already aiming for a deficit of 5.7 percent of national income this year and 4.6 percent in 2012, goals that analysts increasingly see as unrealistic.

Sarkozy said he's asked Baroin to prepare a list of measures to guarantee the government attains its deficit-reduction targets. Sarkozy will take a decision on which measures to implement at an Aug. 24 meeting with his prime minister, budget minister and Baroin.

"We will take the necessary measures to reach these goals," Baroin said, without elaborating.

Sarkozy reiterated his call for a constitutional change requiring balanced budgets and insisted that "commitments to reducing the deficit are inviolable and will be maintained."

His comments appeared to only have a negligible affect on the spread between German and French bond yields, which has risen to 15-year highs.

"With yields now above those of the Netherlands, Finland and Austria, France seems in danger of slipping out of the core to become more closely associated with the eurozone's periphery," said Jennifer McKeown, senior European economist at Capital Economics.

S&P warned in June that France's rating could be threatened if it fails to carry out planned reforms and reduce the deficit.

And the French central bank said this week that the economy will likely grow only 0.2 percent in the third quarter. The bank's monthly industrial survey showed corporate order books and factory utilization rates falling for the second month in a row in July.

Pressures have also been mounting on Germany, starting to feel the pain of a slowing European and global economy as German companies see waning demand for their exports.

But officials in Berlin made clear Wednesday that Chancellor Angela Merkel is sticking to her plans to stay on holiday and return to the office next week.

Dr. David Dukes new video on LONDON RIOTS

Jacob Bard-Rosenberg, Marxist Jew, key player in instigation of London Riots

Jacob Bard-Rosenberg

This is the same communist filth the SA & NSDAP fought in 1920's and early 30's Germany:

A graduate who tweeted advice which can help rioters avoid being arrested is the son of two prominent Jewish socialists
Jacob Bard-Rosenberg is the son of David Rosenberg, one of the founding members of the Jewish Socialists' Group in the 1970s. Julia Bard joined the group in 1983 and the couple married two years later.
They are still active in the organisation, which supports campaigns including the Stop the War coalition and European Jews for a Just Peace, a group which recently attempted to send a flotilla to Gaza.
Mr Bard-Rosenberg, who has a twin brother, has been outspoken about his left-wing views in the past. As rioting broke out in Tottenham, and then elsewhere, the former Cambridge University student, who is now based in London, discussed on Twitter ways rioters may be able to avoid arrest.
He wrote: "For anyone heading to places where riots are: 1) Mask up. Properly, not just a hood. 2) Bindmans solicitors if you get nicked." He also posted the solicitors' telephone number.
When the Metropolitan police began publishing pictures of suspected rioters, he added: "If you're pictured get rid of your clothes and change your appearance."
The 25-year-old, who also studied for a master's in cultural and critical studies at Birkbeck College, wrote in another post: "The aggressors are the state and bankers; the victims are the poor."
And when the clean-up efforts began, he added: "Stop with the disgusting Big Society politics. As I said, #riotcleanup will just push down the price of labour."
Both he and his brother are part of a group of bloggers for a left-wing intellectual site called "The Third Estate".
When the twins celebrated their barmitzvah, the event involved poet Michael Rosen acting as MC and a Marxist magician for entertainment. The simcha was held in the banqueting suite of the Trades Union Congress.

originally published  at the following url